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Cake day: April 26th, 2022

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  • I guess it is more a thing of Western countries. Max Weber suggested that the Protestant Reformation, led to the belief that economic success was a sign of divine favor, legitimizing wealth inequality. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Protestant_Ethic_and_the_Spirit_of_Capitalism

    In the case of the Soviet Union, Marxist-Leninist doctrine treated poverty as a product of class exploitation under capitalism rather than personal failure. Official discourse emphasized that unemployment, homelessness, and destitution were systemic features of bourgeois economies. Within Soviet society, this translated into a strong normative expectation that the state bore responsibility for guaranteeing employment, housing, and basic welfare. While in practice shortages and inequalities persisted, the cultural script did not legitimize blaming the poor; instead, marginalization was often interpreted as a failure of planning, bureaucracy, or remnants of pre-socialist class structures.

    A comparable ideological orientation can be found in the People’s Republic of China, particularly during the Maoist period. Under Mao Zedong, poverty was framed as the legacy of feudalism and imperialism. Campaigns such as land reform and collectivization were justified precisely on the premise that peasants were victims of structural oppression rather than agents of their own deprivation. Even in the post-1978 reform era, although market mechanisms reintroduced inequality, official rhetoric continues to stress “poverty alleviation” as a state-led responsibility, culminating in large-scale programs aimed at eradicating extreme poverty without moralizing the poor as individually culpable.





  • Even the European Court Of Human Rights wrote that they were involved, not that they were organizing it:

    In late November 2013 a wave of mass protests began, first in Kyiv and then throughout the country, in response to the then Ukrainian government’s decision to suspend preparations for signing an Association Agreement with the European Union and instead strengthen economic ties with Russia. The protests, which became commonly referred to as “Maidan”[2], were marked by violent clashes between protesters and the police, with the involvement of hundreds of so-called “titushky” (тітушки), private individuals reported to have carried out numerous assaults, kidnappings and murders of protesters with the authorisation, support or acquiescence of State officials (see Shmorgunov and Others v. Ukraine, nos. 15367/14 and 13 others, §§ 10-11 and 14-15, 21 January 2021).

    Like in Kyiv, starting from late November 2013, the Maidan protests also took place in Odesa. They were dispersed by the police, reportedly with the involvement of “titushky” (see paragraph 5 above).

    https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#{"itemid":["001-242505"]}




  • The Ukrainian side (“Euromaidan”) did indeed include far-right organizations such as “Right Sector,” which played an active role in the events of that day. However, it is incorrect to reduce the entire pro-Ukrainian camp to the “far-right.” Among them were many football fans (ultras) and ordinary townspeople who held pro-Ukrainian views. On the other hand, the pro-Russian camp (“Anti-Maidan”) was equally heterogeneous. Its composition included not only “titushky” (paid provocateurs from the criminal underworld) but also ordinary citizens who were also gathering signatures for federalization and speaking out against the new government in Kyiv.

    “Right Sector” was a key, but not the only, organizing force. Other nationalist groups also participated in the pro-Ukrainian march, as well as football ultras from Kharkiv and Odesa, who acted in alliance with them.

    It is incorrect to say that “the Anti-Maidan organized the ‘titushky.’” The “titushky” themselves were an instrument. The term “titushky” denoted not ideological separatists, but people with athletic backgrounds and criminal pasts hired for money, who were used for violent actions and provocations. Their services were used by various political forces.

    The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), having examined all the circumstances of the case, did not recognize “Right Sector” or any other organization as the sole perpetrator of the tragedy. The key conclusion of the ECtHR: the state of Ukraine failed to fulfill its obligations to prevent violence and save people. The Court found that the authorities could and should have stopped the bloodshed, but allowed “unacceptable delays” and “periods of inexplicable inaction.”

    https://en.azvision.az/news/10272/ukraine.html